255th
Meeting – Tuesday, December 14th 2004
Textiles as a
Material Lexicon of Tributary Relations in
the Lao-Tai world
A
talk and presentation by Patricia
Cheesman
Present: Allan Adasiak, Louise Ahl, Hans
&
Saengdow Bänziger, Paul Barber-Riley, Mark Bleadon, Bonnie
Brereton, Kay
Calavon, Guy Cardinal, Nina Cassils, Lamorna Cheesman, Peter Cuasay,
Bill
Dovhey, Olivier Evrard, Louis Gabaude, Martine Gauthier, Oliver
Hargreave,
Reinhard Hohler, Ken Kampe, Jan Kilborn, Martyn King, Hugh Leong,
Marjorie Muecke,
Bannarak Nakbunlung, Supaporn Nakbunlung, Jeanette Pembroke, Francois
Perez,
Aileen Roantree, Maria A. Salas, Armin & Anne Schoch, Timmi
Tillmann, Lisa
Tobin, Celeste Tolibas-Holland, Victoria Vorreiter. An audience of 35.
Background -
Patricia
Cheesman has done in-depth field research in the Laos
PDR and Thailand
over the past 30 years. She published numerous books and articles on
Lao and
Tai textiles and has been lecturing at Chiang
Mai University
in the Thai
Art Department
since 1984. Originally trained in England
in ceramics, Patricia worked for the UNDP/ILO, Laos,
between 1973-1981 on ceramics projects, and 1981-1984 lectured at Sydney and NSW Universities, Australia.
She worked for the Crafts Board of Australia on weaving projects for
Lao
refugees and contributed to numerous traveling exhibitions including
"Indigo textiles - Laos,
Japan, Nigeria"
and "Lanna
Textiles - Yuan, Lue, Lao". She is textiles consultant to the Thai
Ministry of Education, Bank of Thailand collection and the Lao Women's Union. Her most recent book "Lao-Tai Textiles:
The
Textiles of Xam Nuea and Muang Phuan" was published in October 2004.
Affiliation and Specialization: Chiang Mai
University.
Art History, Ethnography and Anthropology.
The
full text of the talk:
Introduction
In-depth research on Lao-Tai textiles in the Lao
Peoples’
Democratic Republic, Thailand
and Vietnam
over the past thirty years shows a transformation of practices of
social
production of textiles that are best classified not by ethnicity but by
geographical provenance. Scholars have been struggling with
identification of
the extremely complex variety of textiles of the Lao-Tai peoples, with
an
emphasis on ethnicity and anthropological classification. This is
perhaps due
to the lack of empirical research from the field and what Leach calls
‘an
academic fiction…that in a normal ethnographic situation one
ordinarily finds
distinct tribes distributed about the map in an orderly fashion with
clear-cut
boundaries between them’
(Leach, 1964 p.290).
The findings of this
research are that textiles of several different Lao-Tai ethnic groups
from
shared geographic locations share textile and clothing styles, the
extent of
which is related to historical and social circumstances and the passage
of
time. The indigenous Lao-Tai administrative system known as muang or
baan-muang
is the most accurate classification method to incorporate historical
overlapping and describes the tributary relations between political
centres of
the Lao-Tai peoples.
An important
finding of
this
author’s research is that Lao-Tai peoples used textiles and
clothing to express
their desire to belong to certain communities, which pledged allegiance
to
their chiefs. Clothing styles were outward expressions of allegiance to
the
chief, who in turn would wear appropriate clothing to show allegiance
to his
overlords. When people were relocated to different areas under
a new
chief, they changed their clothing and textiles accordingly. This
adaptation
was in some cases a gradual process and in others very sudden, and can
be
studied in both displaced groups and intermarriage. While clothing
styles
changed, in all or some part, to the style of the new location for
various
reasons, textiles made for household use generally maintained their
original
styles despite migrations and deportations. This may have been because
they were
not publicly seen, whereas clothing was. Discontinuation of
home-produced
household textiles usually indicates the availability of commercial
household
goods. The case of the Tai Khang, who fled their homelands in Muang
Phuan to
Xam Nuea to escape being enslaved by the Siamese in the 18th
and 19th
centuries, is an exception where both the clothing and household
styles
of Xam Nuea were adopted, probably due to the suddenness of their move
and
their desire to avoid detection.
If in the past, the
clothing and
textiles of communities were indicators of allegiance to certain muang
without ethnic restriction, perhaps textiles could create the supposed
reality
of the extent of an indigenous muang?
At the turn of the
nineteenth
century the French established Indochina and the current political
borders of Vietnam
and the
Lao Peoples’ Democratic Republic. Prior to this period there was
no concept
here of nation or geography as we know it today and therefore I chose
to use
the names of historical muang for the geographical spaces in
the Lao-Tai
world to describe the textiles from the period of this study, which is
prior to
the Second World War.
The 14th century saw the
establishment
of a
number of large and politically powerful Lao-Tai muang in what
are today
areas of the Lao P.D.R, northwest Vietnam,
southern China,
northern Myanmar
and Thailand.
From the 14th
to the 19th centuries Sipsong Tjao Tai (Twelve Tai Chiefs)
administered a huge population from many tributary muang
including some
in southern China,
northwestern
Vietnam
and northeastern Lao P.D.R. The kingdom
of Lan Xang was founded in
the 14th
century by the Lao and held sway in the Mekong
River basin while the Siamese
established the kingdoms of Sukhothai in the 13th century
and Ayutthaya in the 14th
century in the Chaophraya
River region. A
small kingdom called
Muang Phuan controlled the trade route between the Lan Xang capital of
Louang
Phabang and the kingdom of Hué in Vietnam. The Siamese
claimed
suzerainty over Lan Xang, which in turn claimed suzerainty over Sipsong
Tjao
Tai and Muang Phuan, placing the latter two muang theoretically
under
the indirect jurisdiction of the Siamese. At the same time, the
Vietnamese
received tributes from Sipsong Tjao Tai and Muang Phuan, symbolising
their
suzerainty over those peoples. Muang Phuan also paid tribute to the
kings of
Lan Xang. These complex relationships were far from stable and the
political
power of a chief or king was measured against the size of the
population he
controlled. For centuries the Siamese physically relocated thousands of
peoples
from Muang Phuan and the east side of the Mekong
to the west side and the Chaophraya valley to boost their populations
and
create a no-man’s land in the regions between them and the
Vietnamese.
The uniformity of data
gathered in
each region has enabled this author to chart the textiles of these
ancient muang
in a fairly logical system, with the conclusion that the people in each
tributary muang originally used some, if not all the types of
textiles
in the style of their governing muang for the basic needs of
life and
for the embellishing of their cultural beliefs, regardless of
ethnicity. It has
been possible to identify the artistic style of the textiles and dress
codes of
several muang and the ethnic groups in each of these muang
that
follow these codes. It is the politico-geographical muang
provenance
information that sheds light on existing textiles and alternatively,
existing
textile styles can be used to map emigrational histories
(Naenna, 1998).
Most Lao-Tai
self-appointed names
are toponyms (names which derive from the topographical features of the
area
where people live) and relate directly to the muang of origin,
such as
the Tai Nuea from Muang Xam Nuea who were at one time the dominant
group in
that muang. The Tai Daeng from M. Daeng migrated into Muang Xam
Nuea,
bringing with them textile styles from M. Daeng. When the French
replaced the
Tai Nuea administration in Muang Xam Nuea with Tai Daeng chiefs for
religious
purposes, the textile styles of M. Daeng suddenly became the dominant
style in
Xam Nuea. However, the Xam Nuea textile style cannot be identified as
belonging
only to the Tai Nuea or the Tai Daeng, as both these groups display the
same
style in their textiles, as do those of the Tai Moei and Tai Khang in
the same
region. Instead the classification as Xam Nuea style textiles with
their
subsequent sub-styles is more accurate and describes an art form
produced in a
geographical location with its own ethnographic histories. The Tai Nuea
who
moved to the Mekong basin region,
took on the
Lan Xang textile style but maintained a few elements of their origins
that can
be identified in their textiles as the Xam Nuea style.
Muang Xam Nuea was in the path of some
of the
earliest
migrations of Lao-Tai peoples into Laos and Thailand from Vietnam,
which began
over a thousand years ago
(Cam, 1998 p. 20).
For this reason, the
textiles of Xam Nuea not only hold many proto-types for textiles
further south
and west which have evolved variously but also display styles that have
since
been discarded by the Thái (the Vietnamese rendering of the
word) in the
regions of Vietnam from whence the people of Xam Nuea came. Those areas
in
Vietnam became the principal muang of Sipsong Tjao Tai,
incorporating
Muang Xam Nuea as a tributary muang (Chamberlain,
1992 p.20).
Most of the original
textiles in the Sipsong Tjao Tai style from northwestern Vietnam and
southern
China have been discontinued but my findings on allegiance and muang
factors
discussed above based on the homogenous quality of textiles from
certain
regions, concludes that the peoples of Sipsong Tjao Tai at one time
wove and
wore textiles that were essentially similar in style and at the same
time
displayed subtle differences in each of the tributary muang.
The method
of dress for women in the Sipsong Tjao Tai region was called sin
luea suea
bor por (long skirts and short blouses) as shown in the dress of a
Tai Dam
noble woman collected by the Musée d l’Homme in 1931
(Hemmet, 1995 p.49)
and still existing textiles
and clothing in Houa Phan province (the Xam Nuea region), the provinces
of Lai
Chau, Son La, Hoa Binh, Thanh Hoa and Nghe An in Vietnam that have
maintained
many of their original styles. These latter areas and their historical muang
can be seen as sub-styles that can shed light on the original
Sipsong Tjao
Tai style. Differences, such as colour preferences and waistbands, can
be used
to classify the sub-styles of the Sipsong Tjao Tai style, one of which
was the
Xam Nuea style that in turn had several sub-styles.
The Lan
Xang Kingdom,
established in the 14th century, administered populations in
the Mekong River basin
of present-day Laos
and
northeast Thailand
and included Muang Phuan under its jurisdiction. As a result, Lan Xang
textile
styles greatly influenced some of the textiles of Muang Phuan and in
turn some
Muang Phuan textiles were adopted by the Lan Xang court. Muang Phuan
lay
directly on the trade route between the coast of Vietnam
and Louang Phabang, and was
rich in natural resources, manpower and arable land. These factors made
it a
target, resulting in complete evacuation or enslavement of the
population by
stronger Lao-Tai muang and foreign nation-states at different
times in
history. During the 18th and 19th centuries the
Siamese
carried out a depopulation policy in Muang Phuan leading to the
relocation of
thousands of people from Muang Phuan, including the Tai Khang, to
present day Thailand,
while the rest fled in every
direction, but mostly east to Nghe An province, Vietnam.
The sojourn of Phuan
peoples in
Nhge An had a noticeable effect on the textiles of both regions. Muang
Phuan
style shoulder cloths are seen in Nghe An just as the sin bork tube
skirt of the Nghe An style is woven in Muang Phuan. In the 20th
century Muang Phuan received an unprecedented concentration of bombing
attacks
by the U.S.
military in the Second Indochina War. The people once again fled their
homelands or were evacuated, but their love for independence and
identity
brought them back to rebuild their past in their homelands of Muang
Phuan,
today known as Xiang Khoang province. As a result of their tragic
history,
traditional Muang Phuan style textiles are difficult to locate and the
style
and sub-styles of Muang Phuan are the most problematic to study.
Nevertheless,
it has been possible to outline the main points of identification for
Muang Phuan
style textiles and several sub-styles relating to tributary muang within
Muang Phuan.
The Nam Noen region is
another
melting pot of styles, where numerous Lao-Tai groups from both Nghe An
and
Muang Phuan have settled since the Second Indochina War. The weavers
have
adjusted their textiles to the style of the Nam Noen region. The
dominant group
are the Tai Moei who share the area with Tai Khang, Phuan, Tai Mat and
others.
The muang classification system
for
textile styles is
most useful for the identification of textiles that have been removed
from
their original locations and show confusing stylistic elements. The Tai
Khang
are interesting for this kind of comparative study, having fled or been
removed
from their home in M. Khang, Muang Phuan, into various regions of Lao
P.D.R., Vietnam and
Thailand.
On establishing their new
homes they adapted their textiles in different ways. Those that
relocated to M.
Xam Tai, a tributary muang of Xam Nuea, adopted all the
textiles types
and structures of the Xam Tai style but used the colours of M. Phuan
style
textiles. Tai Khang peoples that settled in the Nam Noen region adopted
the Nam
Noen style of textiles and clothing, and Tai Khang peoples that were
relocated
in Siam
established communities that maintained much of the original M. Khang
style but
incorporated some aspects of the Lanna style. This was a result of
their
relocation in the north of Thailand, where they incorporated the Lanna
style
discontinuous supplementary weft hem piece known as tiin tjok
(with a plain
red section at the lower selvage) in their tube skirts. Most
researchers
identify the latter as ‘Tai Khrang’ textiles (Thai language
includes an ‘r’
where Lao language does not) even though they are very different to the
textiles of the Tai Khang peoples in Xam Nuea, Xam Tai, Nam Noen or
Muang
Phuan. These textiles would be more accurately classified by the name
of the
particular village of provenance in Thailand, which would
incorporate
the combined stylistic elements in their textiles.
A similar example can be given for
textiles from
M. Hun,
Udomxay province, Lao P.D.R. Here a group of textiles of extraordinary
beauty
was produced that have been identified as Tai Lue textiles by some
researchers,
but many elements in the textiles are not typical of Tai Lue textiles
in other
regions. More detailed research shows elements of the Muang Phuan style
in
these textiles and, in fact, they were woven by Phuan peoples who had
relocated
in M. Hun, a region controlled by Tai Lue chiefs. The textiles
would be
more accurately classified as M. Hun style, which would incorporate the
combination of the Sipsong Panna style (the homeland of the Tai Lue)
and the
Muang Phuan style.
Conclusion
With the increased complexity of ethnic
integration and
stylistic adaptation of Lao-Tai textiles, a new method of
classification is
necessary to incorporate more recent stylistic changes relating to
their
geographic location than the existing classification system based on
ethnicity.
This research suggests the identification of textiles by muang
styles
and provenance, and only secondarily by ethnicity. My most recent
publication Lao-Tai
textiles: The texitles of Muang Xam Nuea and Muang Phuan provides a
stylistic record of textiles from those regions for this purpose. With
this
system, textiles can be analysed for evidence of migrations, regional
overlapping, belief systems, and influences of outside political
powers. The
elements in a textile that give us information for identification
purposes are
the local names, complete structures, colour preferences, raw
materials,
techniques, weaving densities and favourite motifs. Knowledge of
Lao-Tai
culture and the indigenous muang system is necessary to
understand the
original function and status of the textiles while the history and
geography of
the region is necessary to map centres of political power and the
migration
patterns of the Lao-Tai groups in and out of different muang
targeted.
Finally, knowledge of weaving techniques is essential for analysing the
textiles.
The evolution of Lao-Tai
textiles
was not a result of ethnicity but a result of economic and
socio-political
interests that related directly to their geographical locations.
Historically
all the Lao-Tai groups shared a common origin and culture as well as
most
weaving techniques, raw materials for weaving and textiles motifs, but
as they
migrated further away from their original communities and established
new ones,
they prioritised certain elements in their textiles and clothing
that
became particular to each muang. The extraordinary homogeneous
quality
of the textiles from certain regions correlating with the locations of
ancient
Lao-Tai muang has been the focus point of this research and
the basis of
my hypothesis that textiles can be studied as a material lexicon of
tributary relations
in the Lao-Tai world.
Bibliography
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This most informative and
delightfully entertaining talk, illuminated with the presentation of
many
historical images, was followed by an equally well-informed and
enlightening
question an answer session - which included a question concerning
ethnic
underwear - after which the meeting adjourned to the Alliance Cafeteria
where
members of the audience engaged Patricia in more informal conversation
over
intoxicating beverages and snacks.